NEWS BACKGROUND:

Don’t Forget Zimbabwe’s Tragedy

Zimbabwe sets a sad example of the difficulties of exporting democracy to Third World countries.

More than 20 years later, this country is one of the five worst nations regarding human rights. Since Mugabe became President, the country has descended into complete tragedy. When elected in 1980, Mugabe was invested of all the hope and confidence of the population. But he quickly turned out to be a weak” leader surrounded by a dishonest and corrupt administration. His promises to his people were empty. This sad example shows yet again the difficulties of exporting democracy to Third World countries. In spite of numerous protestations and sanctions coming from the international community, the leaders of such new-born "western style" democracies all too often fail in their stewardship.

Zimbabwe--formerly South Rhodesia--was once a thriving British colony, with good transportation, modern and secure cities, a thriving agriculture that included tropical fruits and corn, and increasing exports. Precious minerals, including gold and chrome, were dynamic industries.

All was not paradise, however. Though considered a paradise for white people, South Rhodesia suppressed black people politically and economically. When the nation eventually won its war for independence in 1980, the people eagerly hoped for a better future, regarded as possible thanks to Zimbabwe's significant human and material resources. It didn’t happen this way, and the primarily responsibility for this failure lies with Robert Mugabe, abetted by the astonishing silence of left-wing intellectuals and the failure of the international community.

At first, President Mugabe enacted laws to eradicate corruption, but he was never able to enforce them. Instead, he has himself been progressively involved in corruption. In 1990, while a terrible famine was occurring in the country, the government exported food and he personally benefited from the proceeds. Further, in the absence of political will, all reforms for free public education have failed.

The country's economy, too, has been a disaster. In 2000, for example, the price of a woman's purse was equal to the average citizen’s monthly income.

Agriculture has suffered as well. Until 2000, Mugabe continued to refuse all agrarian reforms, even though they were backed by the country's rich white farmers. Then he decided to play a new role and started reform, but this has been done harshly, with all white owners divested of their plantations. The country is so poor, however, that the plantations' new owners have nothing to work the land with.

Seventy percent of Zimbabwe's working-age population is unemployed. The country is experiencing the exodus of skilled physicians and nurses who are escaping from extremely poor working conditions.

In the face of all these setbacks, Zimbabwe is undergoing increasingly severe political repression, even though it still calls itself “a democracy.” The CIO--the Central Intelligence Organisation, similar to Saddam Hussein’s “Republican Guard”--is a political police totally dedicated to Mugabe and in charge of silencing and suppressing the opposition.

Response to Zimbabwe's problems from the developed world has been inadequate. The US and the European Union, for example, have been feeding Zimbabwe's population for years, but have not dealt with the roots of the nation's problems. The coming election can be expected to serve as evidence of this oversight: they are unlikely to be free, fair and democratic. Members of Mugabe’s party are already pressuring citizens to vote for the dictator’s party. Last week, Zimbabwean Cathy Buckle reported that the dictator’s militia is already stopping by each inhabitant’s residence, obliging everyone to register to vote. The population is paralyzed, and fears repression if they do not back the man on power.

Observers of the deteriorating situation in Zimbabwe believe it is essential that the international community become involved in framing and monitoring the country's election process (as is done in many other countries). Failure to do so in this case would legitimize--through a pretended democratic process--Mugabe’s power and his policies of state violence.

Morgan Tsvangirai, president of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change party, said in his Feb. 9 column on Zim Online, "I wish to record...that today, millions are denied [the right to vote in Zimbabwe] simply because of their ancestry, bureaucratic inefficiency or place of residence. Those driven out of the country by the regime's policies, by economic insecurity or by any other reasons have a right to determine Zimbabwe's future and must be allowed to vote."

The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, headed by pro-Mugabe High Court Judge George Chiweshe, was appointed last month to oversee the election process. Critics have charged that there is not enough time for the commission to prepare for the March 31 parliamentary election.